From the monthly archives:

May 2006

israel and palestine: the new apartheid

by Lawrence on May 30, 2006

Apartheid was a violent system.  It wasn't just the overt violence of the militarisation of the townships, the assassinations, the arbitrary arrests and torture - it was the daily attacks on the humanity, freedom of movement, rights to association, expression, education and normal family life from the system that shaped everyday Black existence.  Systems, in other words can be violent.  It's a violence you don't see because it's how life is.  The point, however, is that in a violent system, overt violence is neither surprising nor exceptional.  It is the endemic violence breaking out into the open.

That's not how it "plays" to the outside world, of course.  The news reports used to be full of "outbreaks" of Black violence - acts of terrorism, rioting, communist subversion etc.  The implication was clear: this had nothing to do with people responding to violence inflicted on them, but was an instance of unjustified and ungrateful unruliness and general inclination to violent disorder!  Yet it was nothing of the kind.  It was the response of people who found themselves under daily attack.  When a political system is predicated upon a group within that society being less than fully human, less deserving of the normal human rights, is grudgingly tolerated and accorded the minimum of respect and space, the system is effectively a constant attack and exercise of force over that group to keep them in subjugation.  If the default mode is that they have no right to be there, then every concession towards what everyone else would take for granted is regarded by the state as a generous gift, and every protest or demand for equality an instance of outrageous selfishness and ingratitude.  If the oppressed group's response becomes violent in answer to the violence being inflicted on them - if, in other words, the oppressed group dares to fight back - they are characterised as terrorists.

Tragically, ruling groups - states - find a ready audience for this sort of Orwellian rhetoric in the international community.  States are generally regarded as legitimate (if occassionally a little oppressive or flawed).  It is appallingly easy for any state to brand protest and violent response as "terrorism", and notoriously difficult for people to recognise that states themselves can be terrorist.  We talk about Libya and Syria as "terrorist states" in connection with "state-sponsored terrorism".  The notion of a state as a "terror organisation" is far more difficult to comprehend - emotionally, as well as intellectually.  The presence of the trappings of legitimacy - the police, the army, the judiciary, the organs of government - means that states can pass and enforce laws which are in fact attacks on its citizens.  They can deploy their armed forces to carry out policies that in any other context would be deemed acts of war, or terrorism.  That is what happened in South Africa under Apartheid.  It is what is happening now in Israel.

 According to Lenin, "The purpose of terror is to terrify".  Terror is not some sort of playground bullying writ large, nor is it sadism and evil on a grand scale (though of course, all those elements can be present in individuals).  It is a deliberate strategy.  I learned this interrogating many Zimbabwean guerillas during the Independence Struggle.  I had always thought that "terrorists" were simply bad people - bullies with guns.  Crucially, for me, they lost any claim to being "liberators" because the principal victims of terror were their own people.  I came to realise that this wasn't the case.  The argument I heard went something like this: "You accuse us of terror and war-mongering.  Yet our people live in daily terror because of your laws.  We are not safe in our own houses.  You see yourselves as peaceful, reasonable people - but that is only because you are insulated against the fear and daily violence that you are committing against us.  You do not have to be violent - although you will be ruthlesslessly violent as soon as it seems necessary.  You are safe because we are weak.  You think that when our people smile and fawn, that we are grateful?  Not so.  We are cowed and terrified!  The people are very scared.  They fear you.  If we soldiers come to free them, they will betray us - even though they agree with us - because they are so scared of what you might do to them.  So we want to make them more afriad of us than of you.  Then they will help us and join the struggle."  I used to respond, "But then they are acting out of fear.  Surely you want to win their trust and support?  You cannot win hearts and minds through terror!"  The response I got was this: "When you have a man by the balls, his heart and mind will follow!  This is what we have learned from you".

The relevance to the Palestinian situation is this: Palestinian violence is the violence of response to attack.  Palestinian terror is a response to the terror inflicted on the people by Israel.  Its cause doesn't lie in some Palestinian propensity to lawlessness, violence and barbarism, but in the daily violence inflicted on the community by the Israeli state.  Prior to the current Intafada, it was inconceivable that Hamas could have won a Palestinian election.  Yet the violence of the Israeli state has radicalised the whole community.  The Palestinains see the Hamas fighters as liberators - as protectors who are resisting in their name.  They support Hamas because they see it as the only credible response to the war being waged against that community. 

When the Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Olmert addresses both houses of Congress, therefore, and insists that any precondition to negotiation with the Palestinian Authority under Mahmoud Abbas is that the Palestinians “renounce terrorism, dismantle the terrorist infrastructure, accept previous agreements and commitments, and recognize the right of Israel to exist", we need to recognise this for the cant and subterfuge it really is.  In effect, it's like the school bully sitting astride his victim, hitting him and rubbing his face into the dirt, and saying, "I'll only think of stopping this when you stop resisting and crying and objecting!"  It's saying to the Palestinians, "We're at war with you.  And we'll only even think of stopping when you first surrender!"  There is no real negotiation envisaged.  There is no intention to withdraw from the settlements.  The Wall is to form the permament border between Israel and the Palestinian territories - a border which has already been extended to annexe 10% of the Palestinian land - crucially, the 10% holding all the water supplies!  There is no offer of a viable Palestinian state - simply a patchwork of small, isolated "outcrops" of Palestinian land which are cut off from one another.

Israel, with the active support of the United States, is thumbing its nose at UN resolutions demanding an end to the oppression of the people there.  Instead, what Israel envisages is succeeding where South Africa failed - in the project of Apartheid.  Apartheid (significantly pronounced "apart-hate" in Afrikaans!) was always translated as "separate development".  This is a literal enough translation of the term - but it carefully omits and disguises what Steve Biko spotted only too clearly and lost his life for: it is a means of oppressing and subjugating the people it excludes.  It is an act of war on its own citizens; system of violent terror.  In our Reformed theological tradition, a government which is the enemy of the people is a tyrant, and needs to be removed.  Israel is a terrorist state as far as the Palestinian question is concerned.  It is a tragic and often-noted irony that the people whose national identity was formed by the Holocaust should act as they do to the Palestinians.  It is ironic that Olmert's address was drafted with the help of the Holocaust author and Nobel Peace Prize winner, Elie Wiesel.  Wiesel knows better than most that the Holocaust was made possible only by the silence of the wider international community over Germany's actions.  The Nazis mounted an active campaign of terror against its population and the world kept silent.  Now Olmert wants - and is getting - the same silence over his own terror policies against the Palestinians. 

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forever young - bob now and then

by Lawrence on May 25, 2006

dylan ... now  dylan ... then  The man turned 65 yesterday.  That's when normal people are retiring, or when people normally retire.  But Dylan is neither normal, nor does he show any signs of retiring.  "You should be able to go on for as long as you want to go on", he once told an interviewer.  Bob clearly wants to go on going on.  This is the man who wrote Forever Young - his prayer for a generation that cared.  "May you build a ladder to the stars/and climb on ever'y rung/and may you stay/forever young!"  Bob wasn't into everlasting life for just anybody.  It's a prayer for people who thought the world ought to be changed and could be changed.  It's his prayer for the generation that set out to make a difference on behalf of others.  Listen to the words!  "May God bless and keep you always/may your wishes all come true/may you always do for others/and let others do for you …"  Not for Bob the WIIFM (What's In It For Me) self-obssession of post-Thatcher western life and culture!  If you're not up for changing the world, this ain't a prayer for you!  Bob the Ruthless: "…the order is rapidly changin'/so get out of the new road if you can't lend a hand/for the times, they are a-changin'!"

When he wrote those words (bob … then), the train of the new world was just around the corner.  He could hear the whistle and the tracks were humming.  Some years later, newly converted to Christianity, Bob realised the train was perhaps a little further away than he'd anticipated.  It was a Slow Train - but it was "comin' down the tracks".  Only now, the Train was Jesus.  You see, sadly, Bob found Jesus … and lost the world!  If only he'd found the Jesus of the gospels, rather than the Jesus of right-wing American fundamentalism!  I reckon Bob and Jesus have a lot in common when it comes to the state of the world.  Both of them get highly pissed off with injustice, war and prejudice.  Jesus is far more likely to listen to All Along the Watchtower than All Things Bright and Beautiful.   He's got to like Ring Them Bells more than The Old Rugged Cross!  And John Brown vs Onward Christian Soldiers?  I mean, are you seriously suggesting there's a competition here???  Dylan "gets" Jesus on the world far better than most Christians.  He just falls apart when he goes into "Christian" mode!  Bob's at his most Christian when he's at his angriest and saddest with the way the world is.

And bob … now?  He's given up neither on Jesus nor the world.  Still hasn't got the necessary connection between the two, mind, but he's definitely on the side of the angels!  Everyone's allowed some blindspots - especially when you're young!  And Dylan's forever young - which suits me fine!  Way to go, Bob!  Happy 65th birthday!

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touching down on word press!

by Lawrence on May 22, 2006

I've ported over my blog from Blogger.  That was good platform from which to begin, and I'm grateful to them.  But I got to the point where I was being put off by the appearance of the blog!  I wanted a template that looked clean, clear, inviting and contemporary.  That's the problem with the blogoshpere - you start coveting your neighbour's blog layout!  Very bad for the sanctification!  WordPress gives me what I need.  But now it's the grind of reconnecting with all my favourite spots and slowly building up circulation and readership again.  My fault for neglecting this. 

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about me

by Lawrence on May 22, 2006

I am the Director of the Windermere Centre, the United Reformed Church’s residential training centre in the English Lake District. The Centre exists to help the Church discover its life-in-mission. Mission is about the Church becoming more faithful rather than successful. It is about discerning where God is at world in the world and joining in. In other words, its focus is the Kingdom of God, rather than the Christian Church. The greatest challenge facing the Christian Church in the western world at present is how to connect meaningfully with the increasing millions who find Christian faith and the Church an anachronism and irrelevance. They do not hear the Gospel as Good News. Discipleship of Jesus Christ has neither meaning nor attraction for them. This has as much to do with the way in which the Church has believed and acted historically as with any peculiar postmodern resistance to faith.
The journey to reconnecting with society challenges the Church at its core. The path of least resistance is to buy into the challenge to become more “effective” churches. What that usually means in practice is becoming better skilled at attracting a greater share of disaffected Christians from other denominations. That is a vision we need consciously to avoid. Instead, we must grasp the nettle of making the Gospel relevant to a society that has grown tired of old formulations, old answers to redundant questions, and old forms of connections to God. That journey will be a source of re-evangelising the Church. It will discover new and more faithful ways of being Church. These changes will be the mustard seeds of a new Tomorrow under God, not only for the world but for the Church too.

A theologian by training, I was born and brought up in Zimbabwe (then Rhodesia). As a deeply committed young Christian, I spent 2 years as a detective in the Rhodesian Special Branch during the Independence Chimurenga in the late 1970s, specialising in political and military intelligence. It was not until pursuing doctoral studies in South African political theology in Cambridge form 1987 onwards that I came face to face with all that this had meant. During the long journey to reappropriate my faith, I had to come to terms with the fact that my society, friends, family, church, and even the God with whom I communed daily had not prevented me from being involved in something radically unchristlike, all the time believing it to be my Christian duty!
I came to learn that Christians believe in different Christs. The Jesus who blesses white supremacy, repression and torture, colonialism and the haves at the expense of the have-nots is a different Jesus from the one whose gospel was Good News to the poor, the dispossessed, the oppressed and the marginalised. It is not just that Christians have to discover how to communicate Jesus to those who have nothing to do with him: they have also to discover for themselves who the true Jesus is in the midst of competing Christs, and in so doing, learn who their God is.
I was fortunate to study missiology under David Bosch in South Africa, and New Testament under James Dunn in Durham. My supervisor in Cambridge, Chris Rowland, taught me the subversive power of biblical texts (both for good an ill) and the necessity of taking sides with those on the margins truly to understand the liberative power of the Gospel. But it is Walter Brueggemann who has put into words what I had experienced for myself in reading the Bible: the power of the texts lies in their ability to disclose a new world – not some other world to which we can escape, but this world, disclosed as filled with God’s presence and saving activity.
That is the task facing today's Church.   It is to reconfigure our world in the light of God’s presence and saving activity, so that the seemingly intractable and impregnable powers of death and despair which imprison this world are temporary, awaiting transformation by God whose Kingdom we pray for daily. It is to disclose the new possibilities that were previously unthought or unimagined because we did not know of God’s nearness. When that happens, the converting and transforming power of the Good News is unleashed and the hearers of the Word can never be the same again.

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